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Nature's Evil [calibre 5.27.0]

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Retelling the story of humankind through our relationship to the natural resources
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The carbon standard

From the ecological perspective, the oil price must be high – it restrains the consumption of fuel, cuts down emissions and allows for the development of alternative sources of energy. From the political perspective, however, the high price of a barrel finances the authoritarian petrostates, providing them with new opportunities to kindle wars, spread inequality and increase emissions. Ecology, politics and economics always disagree, but now is the moment to call them to order, and this new order will be clearly dominated by ecology. It is helpful to remember that ecology and economics both come from the same Greek root that means ‘household’.

On the global scale, the era of high prices led to the diversification of supply. New sources of energy are always more expensive than the old ones, but people prefer them for non-economic reasons. Solar panels and wind farms produce electricity increasingly cheaply, but the distribution and storage of this energy require rare and expensive metals and other materials. Bituminous sand remains expensive and its processing is harmful to the environment. Shale oil has better prospects: regardless of automation, its extraction is labour-intensive and requires local knowledge. Unlike boreholes, which are as difficult to cap as it was hard to stop a waterwheel, hydraulic fracturing works on demand. Extraction is diffused – maps of shale oil extraction look more like the widely spaced clusters in which coal mines were grouped than the topical structures characteristic of oilfields. And, finally, American sites of shale oil remain in private hands. The extraction of coal from open pit mines makes it similar to traditional oil; the extraction of energy from shale marks a return, on a new technological level, to the political economy of the coal mines. Liquefying gas emancipates its trading from the pipelines which were so attractive to planned economies. Do these new technologies revise or even reverse the Mitchell thesis?

In different eras of history, land, gold and oil played the roles of the universal equivalents of exchange value. This role will soon be played by carbon. The air belongs to everyone; those who are the biggest polluters should pay the highest prices, and only the state can collect these payments. As climate catastrophe approaches, energy policy – prices, taxes, subsidies, phases and goals – will become an increasingly important mechanism for regulating emissions. So far, carbon emissions have grown in tandem with the production and consumption of energy; but it is the emissions, rather than demand or supply, that should be limited in the first place. This approach makes emissions a major factor of regulation. Ricardo’s classical economics posits three factors of production – land, labour and capital (it assumes that every raw material is connected with land). Carbon emissions make up a fourth factor, independent of the three classic ones. Labour is inexhaustible, capital is relational, and only land is finite; but now we realise that the atmosphere will expire first. Any business plan should take emissions into account and pay for them in the same way that businesses pay for using land, labour and capital. As people switch from ancient accounting traditions, based on the value of fertile land, to new practices which add in the cost of clear skies, the relations between the rich and the poor will also change. The first step is to eliminate the tax privileges that the producers of fossil fuels – and thus of carbon emissions – still enjoy today; in the USA alone this will yield $1.5 trillion, which can be spent on the Green New Deal. A carbon standard would be a more radical measure: the price of any goods or services would be defined by the emissions which their production creates. A distant heir of the gold standard, the carbon standard would not change the market economy too radically: the consumer price of our goods and services already correlates with their energy cost. All the same, introducing a single principle which will link any act of economic exchange with its contribution to the salvation or the destruction of the planet would be pivotal. Every act of work or exchange would find the meaning and justification which they have lost since the dawn of time.

Oil into food

As we saw, John Maynard Keynes predicted that the population growth in America and Russia would prevent grain supplies to Europe, threatening the old continent with hunger. 38 This didn’t happen. Innovations made by chemists, engineers and plant breeders have resulted in grain that is no longer a product of earth, sun and labour, as it was in the time of Malthus: barrels of fossil fuel go into the production of every ton of grain. Arable farming and cattle breeding have become branches of petrofarming – the conversion of oil into food with a little help from earth, sun and labour.

Petrofarming uses two methods of oil conversion, physical and financial. Fertilisers are made from natural gas. Machinery runs on oil products. Together, they have substantially increased agricultural productivity. At the beginning of the nineteenth century in England, it took one calorie of energy to produce a dozen food calories. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, for every food calorie produced, two fuel calories were expended. But the financial conversion is happening on an even larger scale. Using agricultural subsidies, nations of the northern hemisphere redistribute capital between industry and agriculture, between the south and the north and, ultimately, between oil and food. Agricultural subsidy is one of the leading budget expenditures of individual countries and also of the EU. On top of that, various member countries subsidise the purchase price of grain and other staples. All this aid comes to over €100 billion. Other developed countries and China also spend enormous sums, comparable to their defence budgets, on agricultural subsidies. In every country, a big part of this financial flow comes from taxes on oil companies, fuel stations and car drivers, as well as from value-added tax on energy-intensive goods and services. Altogether, this is a much larger, and less clearly defined, area of taxation than would be the case with a straightforward emissions tax. In the current price system, grain and food products are globally underpriced, while oil and fuel products are globally overpriced. The explanation for this disbalance is the ability of the owners of topical resources, such as oil, to dictate monopolist or cartel prices on their production, together with the competition between dispersed food producers, who set their prices much closer to production costs. Land, grain and related products, such as meat, are some of the most widespread of natural resources. There is fierce competition in this diffused market, the opportunities for monopolies are minimal and the prices for these products are close to market prices. Unable to correct such distortions by market mechanisms, the states redistribute the revenue from the monopoly sectors to the competitive markets – from oil to food.

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