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Nature's Evil [calibre 5.27.0]

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Retelling the story of humankind through our relationship to the natural resources
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Progress and the katechon

The decades after the Second World War were the period of the ‘Great Acceleration’: the world population grew exponentially, and the consumption of raw materials grew even faster. 10 Held back by the Cold War, the growth of global inequality temporarily ceased, but the collapse of the Soviet Empire lifted self-restraint. During the last thirty years, economic inequality – a source of political evil – has grown more quickly than it ever did before, except when a victorious empire captured fresh colonies. The oiligarchs and officials of the former Soviet states have joined in this feast along with the rich of West and East, those who inherited old money and those who have made their wealth online. Puzzled, the moralists of the future will be looking for explanations as to why the people of the Anthropocene have unleashed the instincts which some of the previous epochs restrained or redirected more successfully. Latour believes that these are the last convulsions, the results of a subterranean awareness of the approaching climate catastrophe. 11 From the times of Herodotus, history has been imagined as a movement from the knowable past to the uncertain future. But the idea of social progress – history as growth – can hardly be detected even in Machiavelli; it appears in the era of great empires. The first person to use the word ‘progress’ was Francis Bacon, who oversaw England’s most successful expansion. The Age of the Enlightenment was the age of agricultural ‘improvements’ and industrial ‘growth’. Developed in the age of sugar, the tradition of Hume and Smith asserted the idea of insatiable desire. Combined with individual enrichment, service to progress became an addiction itself. Adventure and invention brought wealth which improved the lives of Europeans, while those who toiled in the mines and on the plantations could be ignored. Mass disillusionment began in the twentieth century and reached its peak after 1968. Professors’ expectations that their students would become better proletarians than the proletariat were not borne out; this led to the rejection of progressive politics and of belief in progress itself. Growth continued, but moral progress remained as mythical as the phlogiston sought by medieval alchemists.

In 1968, the industrialist and anti-fascist activist Aurelio Peccei and the chemist Alexander King declared that the end of economic growth was inevitable. If we cannot get growth with zero emissions, we will have to live in a world without growth. Having founded the Club of Rome, they succeeded in turning the idea of limited growth into a respectable project. In 2000, Al Gore, who had the greenest programme in the history of American elections, lost to George Bush, an oilman from Texas. In 2005 the Kyoto Agreement, which called for limits on emissions, was meant to come into force; the USA did not ratify it, and the treaty is ineffective. In 2009 a controversy erupted: hackers stole thousands of documents from leading climatologists. Their selective editing distorted scholarly debate to make it appear that man-made climate change was a scientific conspiracy. During the presidential campaign of 2016, a similar ‘leak’ of Democratic Party documents was very helpful to Donald Trump in his denial of global warming. In 2018, however, even the media climate changed; for example, the BBC overturned a previous ruling that discussions on climate change had to present both sides of the argument. In 2020 we see much more clearly than our predecessors in 1968 that industrial expansion must stop, not because it exhausts resources but because it pollutes the atmosphere. Coal and oil will never run out because our air will have run out long before that.

Current history feels like a movement towards foreclosure – the katechon rather than progress. 12 Envisioned by mystics and magi, the idea that the mission of humanity is to resist or defer the coming End – the idea of katechon – is a powerful explanation for the extraordinary events that we have seen between 2008 and 2020. Those who believed in progress knew that it had its friends and enemies – those who pushed it forward and those who blocked or tried to reverse it. The same goes for katechon. A feast in the time of plague was always a popular fantasy, but the politics of the twenty-first century is closer to the last battle. The rich, the smart and the powerful are quicker to panic – maybe they see the signs of disaster earlier than others, or they just have more to lose. Disenchanted with progress, the rich disinvest from the future. Instead of brokering a truce, the powerful are using the last chance to settle old scores. Scared of the present, the privileged talk ceaselessly about the past. Instead of seeing a multitude of chances and challenges, the elites foreclose on them. By denying changes and boycotting actions, they have turned themselves into Gaia’s errand boys.

The Great Acceleration ended with a global political crisis in anticipation of the catastrophe. With the arrival of COVID-19, a new clinical ecology has melded with the old political economy, but this has not necessitated radical changes. We know that the virus came from a wet market, but these gruesome institutions continue their trade. We know that, to avert the climate crisis, giving up meat is even more important than giving up petrol. But no government that depends on the popular vote will intervene so drastically in people’s behaviour: this demand is no less radical than what the early Christians did or what the Russian Bolsheviks wanted. During the pandemic of 2020, people’s ability to change their behaviour by their own will has been demonstrably lacking, and states have introduced lockdowns. The climate challenge is much tougher. The state or the system of states will have to re-educate people, recondition their ways of life and, if necessary, implement rationing. Leviathan must turn green, or implode. The rest is up to Gaia.

We are talking about deeply unpopular measures. The state remains the only power that stands between the greed of the energy barons and the tragedy of drowned cities. Adequate measures must be long-term, universal and coordinated: this is why we need the state. The climate catastrophe will happen later, but we must rein ourselves in now; people are not wise enough to do this voluntarily. Floods will begin in Holland, but it is also necessary to abstain from meat and petrol in Switzerland; people are not good enough to do this without being reminded. Having survived holy empires and world wars, humanity has never needed a social compact more than today. This must be not a contract between individual citizens but a peace treaty between people and nature. Such a treaty will hardly be concluded without sacrifices on both sides. If democratic politics does not help, then decisions will be taken under a state of emergency. The state of exception, a latter-day version of the Russian oprichnina , will discontinue the rule of law. National efforts will not be enough to cope with ecological crisis. Here we have the free-rider problem, another aspect of the tragedy of the commons: if there is no mechanism of control and compulsion, common efforts will be sabotaged by one of the players, and ultimately by all of them. Nordhaus’s plan would have prevented warming if it had been implemented in the 1990s on a global scale. However, there’s a trap: the American economist did hope to persuade his fellow countrymen to spend more and pollute less. But, for cultural rather than economic reasons, he would have had no chance in other states around the globe, from Mexico to China; and if other states continued to pollute the world, there would be no motive to stop doing it in America. International relations are considered different from internal affairs because individual states have no common interests. If common interests do emerge – for example, protection against pirates or the establishment of the gold standard – then political alliances also develop. The threat of climate catastrophe is the first genuinely common interest – a global goal which cannot be divided into parts. The sociologist Ulrich Beck said in his last book that only global warming could save us. But many – and the doctors of the Christian Church knew this all too well – simply don’t want to be saved.

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