Nature's Evil [calibre 5.27.0]
- Автор: Эткинд Александр Маркович
- Год: 2022
- Язык: английский
- Год: Wiley
- Переводчик: Sara Jolly
- Жанр: История
Электронная книга - «Nature's Evil [calibre 5.27.0]». Краткое содержание книги:
In 1910, Stalin escaped from northern exile and returned to Baku. A fellow Georgian, Lavrenty Beria, started a clandestine organisation in the Nobel brothers’ factory; later, Beria visited Baku many times before he became the organiser of the Soviet terror in the 1930s. The Baku riots and fires continued for years. The extraction of oil fell by a factor of four at exactly the moment when it was most needed – during the First World War. When the war ended, thousands of Armenian soldiers returned to Baku with stories of the 1915 genocide fresh in their minds. The leader of the revolution in the Caucasus was Stepan Shaumian, an Armenian who had graduated in philosophy from the University of Berlin thanks to a grant from Mantashev, and who was briefly engaged to his daughter. In June 1918, as head of the Baku Commune, Shaumian nationalised oil, distributed land to the peasants and introduced an eight-hour working day. But now Turkish troops were approaching Baku. New pogroms ensued and, outvoting Shaumian, the town council invited British troops in. They came, but soon left Baku again: the British needed oil but did not wish to quench the fires and pogroms. The Islamic army of the Caucasus occupied the town and destroyed the Armenians. Shaumian and other commissars fled but were killed on the road. 10
Meanwhile international oil prices rose. The world war turned out to be a motorised battle, and the era of cheap oil came to a definitive end. The Red Army entered Baku; among its officers were Sergey Kirov and Anastas Mikoyan, two future leaders of Soviet industrialisation. In April 1920 the Bolsheviks nationalised Baku oil. Henri Deterding, a clerk in the Dutch East India Company who became the chairman of Shell, bought up the devalued leases on the Baku oilfields: he was betting on the rapid demise of Soviet power. In the upshot he lost millions and changed tactics. In 1924, he financed a plot of Georgian nationalists to capture Baku – he even printed fake Russian roubles. When this conspiracy failed he gave millions of real money to the German Nazi Party. His rival, Gulbenkian, made better use of his capitaclass="underline" in 1928 he bought dozens of classical paintings from the state-owned Hermitage Museum in Leningrad. Later Andrew Mellon, another oil baron, followed suit in these massive purchases, which subsidised Soviet industrialisation by plundering the old imperial collection. 11 The best use of the Baku profits took place far away in Stockholm. In 1895, one of the Nobel brothers, Alfred, the inventor of dynamite and co-owner of the Baku oilfields, set aside the bulk of his estate to establish the Nobel Prizes. The last owner of the Nobel company, the young Emmanuel, fled Russia in 1918 and lost his assets. 12 In the meantime, another engineer who got his formative experience in Baku, Leonid Krasin, became the people’s commissar of foreign trade for the new Bolshevik government. While negotiating in the European capitals, he outplayed Rockefeller by signing a trade agreement for supplying Baku kerosene to his American competitors at a fixed price. The characters and legacies of these oil barons were very different, but many of them made terrible mistakes. Their successes depended on scientists such as Mendeleev, engineers such as Shukhov or politicians such as Krasin; their failures were their own. Still, they earned incomparably more than their hired hands. Nobody, not even the Bolsheviks, could change this – though many tried.
Germany had a lot of coal but little oil. Benefiting from the work of the chemists of the previous decade, Nazi Germany created a synthetic fuel industry. During the Second World War, it consumed as much of this coal-based fuel as oil; almost all German planes were fuelled with synthetic petrol. But it was in short supply, and petrol plants were tall and conspicuous, easy targets for enemy bombers. In the war with the Soviets, Hitler’s priority was not Moscow; as the first step, he ordered the occupation of the Donbas and the Caucasus. But his troops never reached Baku. The strange feature of oil deposits – their location on the far periphery of world empires – made it difficult to capture them by force.
For the Soviet Union, remote Baku was central. Some of the most important leaders of the country – Stalin, Beria, Krasin, Kirov, Mikoyan, and also Kamenev, Litvinov, Ordzhonikidze, Vyshinsky – cut their teeth in the chaos of Baku. One of the lessons they learnt was how to make huge profits from a piece of land not much bigger than a lottery ticket; it was quite an experience for these sons of peasants and artisans. Using their usual methods of terror and surveillance, the Soviet authorities pacified Baku. But as soon as they relaxed their grip, anti-Armenian pogroms started up again. As in 1905, ethnic riots in Baku in 1990 again preceded the attempted coup in the capital – now Moscow – in 1991.
The blood of nations
Competing with the British Royal Navy, the American Fleet made an early transition from steam power to diesel. In the First World War, the Americans supplied the allies with 80 per cent of their oil products. In the 1920s, petrol-driven cars were already replacing both the horse-drawn vehicles which had thronged American cities and the trams that ran on electricity produced from coal. At the beginning of the Second World War, oil provided a third of the energy consumed in the USA – much more than in Western Europe, the USSR or Japan. Now oil was king. Without oil there would have been no fertilisers, no tractors to cultivate wheat, and no lorries to bring it to the markets. Without oil there would have been none of the houses, cars and lawns that defined the American dream. Every new generation of weapons, with the exception of nuclear missiles, required more oil than the previous one. Up to the present day, the same holds true for each new generation of people.
In the mid-twentieth century, the USA and the USSR were the only powers that had enough oil within their borders to meet their needs. Great Britain and France had concessions in the Middle East. Germany and Japan had no access to oil, although in peacetime they could buy unlimited supplies. The end of the war brought about an energy crisis in Europe. The coal mines in the Ruhr had been destroyed. Polish coal and nearly all the European oilfields were under Soviet control. Ten per cent of the American aid provided by the Marshall Plan was oil, brought to Europe from the Middle East by American companies. Thanks to local revolutions or the global Cold War, transnational companies stepped away, reducing their share of profits. In Venezuela and the Middle East, the USA agreed to share production with the local authorities on a 50/50 basis. Coups in Mexico, Iran and Egypt led to the nationalisation of oil and a fall in extraction. But the market continued to grow, as did prices. Between 1945 and 1973 the per capita consumption of oil in the USA doubled and the number of vehicles quadrupled. The developed countries prospected for new oilfields in the North Sea and Alaska.
The Soviet dependence on oil was comparable to America’s, though the uses of oil were vastly different. Following the Baku model, the Bolshevik government understood oil as its strategic resource. It had to be split between domestic use – mainly for military-industrial purposes – and foreign trade, which could supply foreign arms, goods and services in exchange for oil. Keeping a balance between these two functions was tricky because the leading Russian and then Soviet trade partner was Germany, the enemy in both world wars. Even in 1940, right before the Nazi invasion, the USSR supplied Germany with a third of the oil that it needed. On the other hand, the domestic consumption of oil products was kept in check, though the massive industrialisation of the 1930s consumed a great deal of oil. In exchange for raw materials, German and American corporations eagerly supplied the Soviet Union with cars, lorries, tractors and whole vehicle-manufacturing plants. But, in contrast to the American practice of boosting domestic consumption by car- and home-owners, the USSR directed its supplies to wasteful, state-controlled enterprises. Public transportation was predominant, and the number of cars in private ownership minuscule. But the enthusiasm for oil was unlimited. A famous poet, Nikolai Aseev, wrote in 1935: