Nature's Evil [calibre 5.27.0]
- Автор: Эткинд Александр Маркович
- Год: 2022
- Язык: английский
- Год: Wiley
- Переводчик: Sara Jolly
- Жанр: История
Электронная книга - «Nature's Evil [calibre 5.27.0]». Краткое содержание книги:
Comparing coal with grain and his doctrine of exhaustion with Malthus’s, Jevons argued that a coal crisis would be more devastating. The productivity of farmers’ fields could reach a plateau but they would nevertheless continue to yield a harvest. An exhausted mine is a different case altogether. Giving less coal but requiring more labour, it soon becomes unprofitable. At this point, the owner stops maintaining it, and the mine gets flooded or collapses; Jevons knew of such cases. In general, he predicted an imminent halt to economic growth. ‘We cannot indeed always be doubling the length of our railways, the magnitude of our ships, and bridges, and factories.’ 16
If coal runs out, what will replace it? Jevons runs through the alternatives and finds little comfort. He talks about wind power, the power of water and tides, and discusses peat; all these things have their good points, but they are unreliable, limited to specific places, and are no match for coal. He knew about oil and that it had the potential to outperform coal. All the same, for him oil was just a liquid form of coal. If coal runs out, there won’t be oil, thought Jevons. Perhaps people would learn to harvest the sun’s energy by as yet unknown means, or would obtain heat from completely new sources. But he was pessimistic on this point as welclass="underline" when the sun’s rays replaced coal, England would lose its competitive advantages.
Keynes
Unlike the French physiocrats, the British political economists – Smith, Malthus, Ricardo – were at work precisely in the era and the country of coal. But, even while using its heat and energy, they preferred to think of themselves as living in an organic, grain-focused society. It was Jevons who saved economics from its ‘artificial groove’ by addressing coal. Keynes wrote about Jevons with unusual warmth and saw him as an important predecessor. He started his memorial essay with the fact that Jevons was born in the year after Malthus’s death; Keynes delicately forbore from mentioning that he himself was born the year after Jevons’s death. 17 All three shared the feeling that the resources used by humankind are limited and close to exhaustion, and that the analysis of these resources, in relation to labour, is the very essence of economic science. In Keynes’s words, this ‘extraordinary continuity of feeling ’ was ‘profoundly in the English tradition of humane science’. 18
It was not only about feeling . A Cambridge professor whose practical experience started with the administration of Indian finances, Keynes saw that his career aligned with this ‘English tradition’. He took part in the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, when the victorious states met to determine the fate of Europe after the First World War. In his book about the economic consequences of the Versailles Treaty, Keynes predicted a Malthusian crisis on a European scale. At the end of the nineteenth century, continental Europe had lost its self-sufficiency in food production in the same way that England had lost it about a century earlier. The population had grown, and Europe, like England, was able to buy increasing amounts of agricultural produce in exchange for its industrial goods. Every decade, a unit of labour invested in industry increased its purchasing power in relation to foodstuffs; here Keynes was reproducing Cantillon’s old idea, which had been recently recovered by Jevons (Prebisch and Singer would in turn reproduce these ideas of Keynes). His American counterparts Richard T. Ely and Thorstein Veblen were close to Keynes in their critical approach to land, resources and progress. But the peaceful end to the nineteenth century, which Keynes called an economic Eldorado, engendered a new, post-utilitarian generation. Nothing was more foreign to Keynes than their formalised optimism. It was the Yale economist Irving Fisher who started this neo-Panglossian canon by formulating still another ‘equilibrium theory’. On 16 October 1929, Fisher wrote in the New York Times that stock prices had ‘reached what looks like a permanently high plateau.’ The stock market collapsed on 24 October – the Great Depression had arrived.
European growth, explained Keynes, was possible only because both America and Russia supplied it with grain. But their own populations were growing even faster, with the result that the great powers to the West and the East of Europe could no longer feed the Old World. A brilliant prognostician, Keynes saw the new war in the making. But his Malthusian forecast for twentieth-century agriculture was wrong. Just as Malthus had failed to see the power of coal, so Keynes failed to see the full power of oil. Not long before the First World War, Fritz Haber, a Polish Jew and German patriot, succeeded in synthesising ammonia. Haber’s process gave rise to the first nitrogen fertilisers and new kinds of explosives. Working on munitions, he invented the first chemical weapons. Haber oversaw the chlorine gas attack at Ypres in 1915 and later invented the cyanide-based pesticide Zyklon B, which the Nazis used in the gas chambers. His wife and son both committed suicide, but half of humanity today is fed on products grown with the help of the Haber process. However, growing this food takes a great deal of energy: a kilogram of ammonium nitrate fertiliser consumes an equal amount of petroleum. The joint actions of a fertiliser, produced from air and natural gas, and machines that run on petroleum have liberated humanity from the threat of hunger. The inventions of Fritz Haber and Henry Ford carried the day over the fears of Malthus and Jevons.
Observing events, Keynes asserted that the prices of raw materials were more volatile – changing more abruptly and more frequently – than the prices of manufactured goods, which incorporate the regulated value of labour. In 1938, Keynes analysed the commodity prices over the previous ten years: the price of rubber was notoriously unstable, and every year it fluctuated, on average, by 96 per cent between maximum and minimum; but wheat also fluctuated by 70 per cent every year, and even cotton by 42 per cent. Keynes saw this volatility as a major evil. It could lead to a recession or war and should be averted by international control. For this purpose, in 1942 he proposed to create a new organisation under the auspices of the League of Nations, which he named the Commod Control. Referring to the ancient Chinese concept of the ‘ever-normal granary’, Keynes revealed the historical roots of his idea. The Commod Control would have been much more than a cartel; this organisation would have had its own storage facilities and special executive committees for every commodity – a rubber committee, a wheat committee, etc. These committees would have defined commodity prices, storage levels and national quotas; the price fluctuations would have been locked within 20 per cent, with price corridors reconsidered annually. The rest of the economy would have stayed free of administrative control. Essentially, Keynes was thinking about a bicameral economy, which would have kept a relatively free trade regime for wages (though they would have been controlled by trade unions) and the products of labour but would have established a global government run the primary commodities. Its ‘buffer stocks’ of raw materials would have prevented economic cycles. Responding to criticisms, Keynes agreed that his plan overlapped partially with what the Soviet and even the Nazi authorities proposed to do with the global economy if they had won their wars. 19