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An Ugly Truth: Inside Facebook's Battle for Domination [calibre 4.99.5]

Электронная книга - «An Ugly Truth: Inside Facebook's Battle for Domination [calibre 4.99.5]». Краткое содержание книги:

**“The ultimate takedown.” –** ***New York Times Book Review***
**Award-winning *New York Times* reporters Sheera Frenkel and Cecilia Kang unveil the tech story of our times in a riveting, behind-the-scenes exposé that offers the definitive account of Facebook’s fall from grace**.
Once one of Silicon Valley’s greatest success stories, Facebook has been under constant fire for the past five years, roiled by controversies and crises. It turns out that while the tech giant was connecting the world, they were also mishandling users’ data, spreading fake news, and amplifying dangerous, polarizing hate speech.
The company, many said, had simply lost its way. But the truth is far more complex. Leadership decisions enabled, and then attempted to deflect attention from, the crises. Time after time, Facebook’s engineers were instructed to create tools that encouraged people to spend as much time on the platform as possible, even as those same tools boosted inflammatory rhetoric, conspiracy theories, and partisan filter bubbles. And while consumers and lawmakers focused their outrage on privacy breaches and misinformation, Facebook solidified its role as the world’s most voracious data-mining machine, posting record profits, and shoring up its dominance via aggressive lobbying efforts.
Drawing on their unrivaled sources, Sheera Frenkel and Cecilia Kang take readers inside the complex court politics, alliances and rivalries within the company to shine a light on the fatal cracks in the architecture of the tech behemoth. Their explosive, exclusive reporting led them to a shocking conclusion: The missteps of the last five years were not an anomaly but an inevitability—this is how Facebook was built to perform. In a period of great upheaval, growth has remained the one constant under the leadership of Mark Zuckerberg and Sheryl Sandberg. Both have been held up as archetypes of uniquely 21st century executives—he the tech “boy genius” turned billionaire, she the ultimate woman in business, an inspiration to millions through her books and speeches. But sealed off in tight circles of advisers and hobbled by their own ambition and hubris, each has stood by as their technology is coopted by hate-mongers, criminals and corrupt political regimes across the globe, with devastating consequences. In *An Ugly Truth* , they are at last held accountable.
**
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Cox added that he had given his last orientation that week, and he repeated a line to the new employees that he had delivered hundreds of times: “Social media’s history is not yet written, and its effects are not neutral.”

Even after Chris Hughes left Facebook, he and Zuckerberg had remained friends. They attended each other’s weddings and kept each other updated on milestones in their lives. In the summer of 2017, Hughes dropped by Zuckerberg’s home in Palo Alto to visit with Mark, Priscilla, and their daughter Max, then a toddler. They caught up on family and Facebook and life on opposite coasts.

Hughes had been watching Facebook’s evolution with unease. Russian election interference, the Cambridge Analytica scandal, and the rise of hate speech transformed his unease into anger and guilt. Then, on April 24, 2019, he read Facebook’s announcement in an earnings report that the FTC was poised to fine the company as much as $5 billion for the Cambridge Analytica data privacy breach.4 It would be a record penalty, exponentially bigger than any past action against a Silicon Valley company, and a rebuke of the practices at the heart of Facebook’s juggernaut behavioral advertising business. The biggest data privacy fine against a tech company until then was the penalty imposed on Google in 2012, for $22 million. Hughes considered the looming FTC settlement a just punishment. “Oh my god,” he muttered to himself, reading the announcement in his office loft in Manhattan’s West Village. “This is it.”

Curious to see how far Facebook’s stock would plummet upon news of the expected FTC fine, Hughes opened a Yahoo finance tab. To his shock, the price was soaring. Contrary to what he had predicted, the fine was welcome news on Wall Street; investors were thrilled that the FTC inquiry had been resolved. And Facebook had announced its quarterly earnings report that same day: ad revenues were up 26 percent; the company had cash reserves of $45 billion and annual revenues of $71 billion. The record fine, just 3.5 percent of revenues, would hardly be a setback.

“I was outraged,” Hughes said. “Privacy violations were just the cost of doing business.”

In 2016, Hughes had founded a progressive think tank and advocacy group, Economic Security Project, which proposed federal and local tax reforms to give guaranteed monthly income to the poorest Americans. He was part of a growing movement among left-leaning academics and politicians against the concentration of power held by Big Tech; the movement pointed to Facebook, Amazon, and Google as the winner-take-all titans of a new gilded age. The chorus was growing: advocates Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders were joined in their protest of Big Tech’s monopolization by the progressive former labor secretary Robert Reich, George Soros, and others.

But Hughes acknowledged that the seeds of Facebook’s problems were there from the beginning: the urgent-growth mind-set, the advertising business model, and Zuckerberg’s centralized power. No one individual, not even the friend he described as “a good person,” should have that much control over such a powerful institution. Facebook’s repeated data privacy violations were symptomatic of a bigger problem. Even a record penalty by the FTC wouldn’t deter the company’s dangerous business practices. With 2.3 billion users and a market valuation of $540 billion, it had become too big to be restrained by regulations alone.

“Obviously, my whole life has been changed by one of the biggest monopolies in the United States today,” Hughes said. “And so, I needed to take a step back and wrestle with the fact that Facebook has become a monopoly, and name that and explain why that happened, how that plays into all of its mistakes, and the growing cultural and political outrage,” he recalled. “And then also understand what can be done about it.”

Two months before Hughes’s op-ed, Zuckerberg had announced the plan to break down the walls between messaging services in Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp. The company would stitch together more of the back-end technologies of the apps and allow users to message and post content across them.5 Making the apps “interoperable” would be a boon for consumers, he said.6 If a user found a small business on Instagram, they would be able to use WhatsApp to message that business. Engineers would encrypt messaging on all the apps, providing more security to users.

“People should be able to use any of our apps to reach their friends, and they should be able to communicate across networks easily and securely,” Zuckerberg wrote. But in reality, he was fortifying the company. Blue, Instagram, and WhatsApp were three of the top seven apps in the United States,7 with a combined 2.6 billion users globally.8 Facebook could merge data from each app and glean richer insights into its users. Engineering teams would work more closely to drive greater traffic between the apps, keeping users within the Facebook family of apps longer and more exclusively. It was like scrambling the apps into an omelet.

Zuckerberg was backsliding on concessions he had made to government officials to get the original buyout deals through regulatory review. He was also reversing promises made to the founders of Instagram and WhatsApp to keep the apps independent. In 2012, he assured Kevin Systrom and Mike Krieger that he wouldn’t interfere with the look, feel, or business operations of Instagram. The founders were obsessed with the style and the design of Instagram and feared that Facebook, which had barely evolved its look from its earliest days, would mess with Instagram’s DNA. After the merger, Instagram had stayed at arm’s length from Zuckerberg and Sandberg, in its own space at MPK, one that was decorated differently from the rest of Facebook.9

Facebook’s vice president of development, Amin Zoufonoun, said the promises made to Instagram’s founders were restricted to the brand—that Facebook wouldn’t interfere with the look or feel of the photo-sharing app—and from the beginning of merger discussions, there was talk about how Instagram “would benefit from Facebook’s infrastructure.”

“Over time, Instagram increasingly shared more Facebook infrastructure as it became clear that we needed a more unified strategy across the company,” Zoufonoun said. But other employees described a more fraught relationship.

Instagram was popular among a younger demographic, while Blue’s average was skewing older. The contrast in demographics irked Zuckerberg, who feared Instagram could cannibalize the Facebook app.10 Within six years, he began to interfere with technological decisions at Instagram. He tried to introduce a tool that would drive Instagram traffic to Facebook. Sandberg, for her part, insisted on more ads on the app. Instagram introduced its first ads in November 2013 for select big brands. In June 2015, the photo-sharing app opened to all advertisers.11 Instagram had become hugely successful in the seven years under Facebook’s control, with an estimated value of $100 billion and a billion users.12 “Mark saw Instagram’s potential from the start and did everything he could to help it thrive,” Adam Mosseri, the head of Instagram, maintained. “It’s not logical for Facebook to do anything that would dampen this success.”

But for Instagram’s founders, Zuckerberg and Sandberg’s involvement became overbearing.13 Systrom and Krieger quit in September 2018, saying they were “planning on taking some time off to explore our curiosity and creativity again.”

The story was similar with WhatsApp. Jan Koum and his cofounder, Brian Acton, had sold WhatsApp on the condition that the company would operate independently from the rest of Facebook. Zuckerberg had assured Koum, who feared government surveillance via apps, that he would make privacy a priority. Both conditions were selling points to regulators as well. Acton claimed that Facebook trained him to explain to European regulators that merging would be challenging. “I was coached to explain that it would be really difficult to merge or blend data between the two systems,” he said.14 But eventually, Zuckerberg and Sandberg imposed themselves on WhatsApp and pressured Acton and Koum to monetize the messaging app. Acton said that, in a meeting with Sandberg, he proposed a metered pricing model that charged users a small fraction of a penny for a certain number of messages. Sandberg shot down the idea, claiming, “It won’t scale.”

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