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Lidia [Life of Lidia Zamenhof, Daughter of Esperanto by Wendy Heller]
- Автор: Heller Wendy
- Год: 1985
- Язык: русский
- Жанр: Культурология
Электронная книга - «Lidia [Life of Lidia Zamenhof, Daughter of Esperanto by Wendy Heller]». Краткое содержание книги:
At the end of July Lidia traveled to Bergen-op-Zoom in North Brabant for the dedication of a monument to her father. The tall granite pedestal, on which was a five-sided column surmounted by a world globe made ofVenetian glass, had been built by local neutral and Catholic Esperanto groups. As Lidia formally unveiled the monu- ment, the orchestra played the Polish anthem. When the music stopped Lidia spoke about the great ideal of her father: that Esperanto was not merely a language; most important was its spirit of unity and brotherhood among the peoples.
August came and with it, as always, the Universal Congress of Esperanto. Since 1924 Lidia had attended all the congresses, but although in Arnhem she was less than 150 kilometres from the congress city, this year -1933- she did not go. The congress was to be in Cologne, Germany.
Even while Lidia had been enjoying her phenomenal success in Lyon, frightening events were taking place in Germany. Adolf Hitler had become Chancellor and was moving to consolidate the power of his National Socialist German Workers' (Nazi) Party in order to take complete control of Germany. Under the guise of preventing a communist revolution, Hitler had enacted emergency measures, imprisoning thousands of people and suspending civil liberties. By July 1933 all other political parties had been suppressed, and the Nazi party was the only one allowed in Germany.
The instrument of Hitler's authority was the Schutzstaffel (Defense Corps), or SS. From an elite bodyguard for Nazi party leaders, the SS grew into a huge organization with immense power, whose members swore to Adolf Hitler an oath of'obedience unto death'. Their black uniforms and lightning-flash insignia had already become sinister symbols ofterror in Germany. As early as March ofthat year, 1933, the SS had set up, at Dachau, the first of its concentration camps where it imprisoned suspected anti-Nazis and other people considered undesirable, many of them Jews. The designation of the camps' elite guard units foreshadowed what was to come: they were called the Totenkopfverbande - Death's Head Units.
Nazism was notjust the aberration ofone madman. Its historical and intellectual roots were deep in German history and philosophy. Its exaltation of war, its conviction of the 'destiny' of the Germans to rule as a 'master race', derived from the ideas of earlier philosophers. Its hatred of the Jews was a cancer that had existed in Germany, as in Poland, for centuries.
At the time, many refused to believe the enormity of Hitler's program. But early in the 1920S Hitler had clearly laid out his ultimate plans for the state he intended to build based on the 'superiority' of the German 'master race'. He had written that his philosophy was 'obligated to promote the victory of the better and stronger and demand the subordination ofthe inferior and weaker'. 'All who are not of good race in this world are chafF', he had said.
In spite of the intellectual trappings with which the Nazis sometimes clothed their racist theories, these views had not even a shred of scientific truth. Yet many highly educated Germans, including a great many youth, embraced them. During the 1920S and 30S the youth of Germany, especially university students, were, as Lucy Dawidowicz writes in The IVar Against the Jews, 'overwhelmingly anti-Semitic'. It helps one realize just how pervasive anti-Semitism was when one considers that during the period between the wars there were some seven hundred anti-Jewish periodicals in circulation in Germany and over four hundred anti-Semitic organizations.
But Hitler did not come to power only because of his program of anti-Semitism. Many Germans welcomed Hitler because they believed that the 'New Order' he promised them offered the nation its only chance to rise again to its rightful state of greatness and prosperity. The economic chaos and demoralization Germany had suffered after the Great War provided a hothouse in which hatred flourished. Just as in Russia traditional anti-Semitism had been manipulated to channel the discontent of the masses into pogroms, in the twenties and thirties, when the Nazis blamed the Jews for Germany's defeat and for the social, economic and political troubles that had plagued the country since the armistice, many Germans were only too willing to listen.
In the spring of 1933 in Germany, anti-Jewish violence had been organized and carried out by Storm Troops - the Nazi party's private army. When reports of the violence reached abroad, triggering criticism of Germany and calls for a boycott of German products, Hitler blamed the Jews and accused them of spreading lies to undermine the state. Threatened by Nazi Minister Hermann Goring with a pogrom, Jewish leaders were forced to deny the atrocities.
An anti-Jewish boycott was carried out, enforced by Storm Troops under the supervision of the SS, and there was violence throughout Germany. By force and by legislation, Jews were ejected from their jobs in the civil service, on newspapers, in universities and even in orchestras. Most Jewish lawyers were forbidden to practice; Jewish judges were forcibly 'retired'. Eventually laws were enacted virtually removing Jews from public life in Germany.
In April the Cologne congress committee had tried to assure worried Esperantists that foreign guests in Cologne 'need not fear any difficulties because in Germany absolute order reigns'. There was no danger to the Esperantists, assured Heroldo, which was published in Cologne and thus subject to censorship. Security in Germany was greater than it had been in recent years, and, the article added somewhat ominously, 'from day to day it is becoming even greater'.
But in fact the Cologne congress was not as well attended as some previous congresses. The Depression made it difficult for some to afford the journey, but others stayed away in fear or in protest. One of those who stayed away was Lidia.
In Cologne the meetings went on as usual, only, Heroldo remarked, 'more accurately on time'. There were the usual speeches, songs, dancing and entertainment. But besides the green stars and flags that always decorated the congress hall, this time there were also swastikas. The president of the congress was Arnold Behrendt from Berlin, who had become president of the German Esperanto Association in 1929 following the death of Dr Ernst Kliemke. In his address Behrendt asked the audience to believe that Adolf Hitler was truly building a new state which would show the world that it ought to restore trade and political relations with Germany.
The Esperanto movement in Germany had been taking an alarming direction in an attempt to accommodate itself to the Nazi regime. Some leaders of the movement there naively hoped that by renouncing the ideals of Zamenhof they could prevent the language from being
ji. Young French Esperantists paste up a poster aduertising Lidia's Cseh course in Lyon. Secondfrom right: DrAndre Vedrine
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32. Flyers and invitation cardpublicizing Lidia's Esperanto classes
3ĵ. Marie Borel, 'La Pastrino'
34. Thefirst course in Lyon,January 1933
35- Arnhem, igjj: Iti tkegarden ofthc Espemnto Homc, oti 26Jnly, thebirthday of