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The Historians' History of the World 07 [The History of the Later Roman Empire]
- Автор: Gutenberg
- Год: 1905
- Язык: английский
- Жанр: История
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FOOTNOTES
[95] [Buryb here uses this spelling, as do most of the German writers, while Hodgkinc prefers to retain “the Odovakar of the contemporary authorities in all its primeval ruggedness, instead of softening it down with later historians (chiefly the Byzantine annalists) into the smooth and slippery Odoacer.” In this work, however, the more familiar form sanctified by long usage is continued.]
[96] So Gibbon,d but Hodgkin,c who puts the birth of Theodoric in 454, places the death of Attila a year before, while Buryb makes it the same year.
[97] [These curious details are included in the account of Malchus.f]
[98] [This man who shared the great Theodoric’s name, and threatened his power, while riding an unruly horse was borne against a spear hanging before his tent door. The wound proved fatal, according to Evagrius,g who tells the story.]
[99] [Tufa was his name; he first left Odoacer for Theodoric; then deserted back again. Hodgkin compares his defection to Marshal Ney’s going over to Napoleon when he returned in 1815. Later Tufa was killed in a feud with another deserter from Theodoric, Frederic the Rugian.]
[100] [Hodgkinc doubts this story, which rests solely on the anonymous Valesian Ms.k]
[101] [The story is told by Procopius.j]
[102] [This story is told in the Dialogues of Pope Gregory. On the legend Hodgkinc comments, “For that noble heart Hell itself could scarcely reserve any sorer punishment than the consciousness of a life’s labour wasted by one fierce outbreak of Berseker rage.” Procopiusj calls his treatment of Boethius and Symmachus “the first and last act of injustice which he had committed against any of his subjects; and the cause was his failure to look deeply enough into the evidence before he gave his verdict.”]
[103] [“My conjecture,” says Hodgkin,c “is that there was some formality of a popular election after the death of Athalaric in compliance with which his mother and her colleague ascended the throne.”]
[104] [Hodgkin, regretting her misfortunes, calls Amalasuntha “a kind of Gothic Minerva sprung from the Gothic Jove.”]
[105] [Buryb says,“Witiges put Theodatus to death,” Hodgkinc says that he sent Optaris, from whom Theodatus had taken his bride, to assassinate the fallen monarch.]
[106] [Henry Bradleyn declares that this barbarian’s epithet should rather be “the bison,” Gibbon’s translation as “standard-bearer” being “linguistically impossible.”]
[107] [This king, Eraric, reigned only five months.]
[108] [It is quoted by Procopius.j]
[109] [Hodgkinl thinks that there is no necessity for doubting the statement that only five hundred people remained.]
[110] [According to Hodgkinc he was seventy-five years old at this time.]
[111] [Hodgkin,c discrediting Procopius here for many reasons, places the battle near Scheggia.]
[112] [Hodgkinc thinks the name Leuthar should not be regarded as equivalent to Lothair as Gibbon made it. Butilin is often spelt Buccelin.]
[113] Agathiasm has produced a Greek epigram of six lines on this victory of Narses, which is favourably compared to the battles of Marathon and Platæa. The chief difference is indeed in their consequences—so trivial in the former instance—so permanent and glorious in the latter.
CHAPTER II
LOMBARD INVASION TO LIUTPRAND’S DEATH
[568-744 A.D.]
EARLY HISTORY OF THE LOMBARDS
The four invading nations, whose history has been already related, left no enduring memorial of their presence in Italy. The Visigoth, the Hun, the Vandal, the Ostrogoth, failed to connect their names with even a single province or a single city of the Imperial land. What these mighty nations had failed to effect, an obscure and savage horde from Pannonia successfully accomplished. Coming last of all across the ridge of the Alps, the Lombards found the venerable Mother of empires exhausted by all her previous conflicts, and unable to offer any longer even the passive resistance of despair. Hence it came to pass that where others had but come in like a devouring flood and then vanished away, the Lombard remained. Hence it has arisen that he has written his name for ever on that marvel of the munificence of nature “the waveless plain of Lombardy.”b
[5-400 A.D.]
Probably the most ancient mention of the Lombards (Langobardi) is to be found in Velleius Paterculus,c who speaks of them as dwelling west of the Elbe and only in the lower portion, where they were subdued by Tiberius with much difficulty in the year 5 A.D.; for it is with the conquest of the Chauci—that is to say, the Chauci Majores and Minores who lived on both sides of the lower Visurgis (Weser)—that he connects the expedition of Tiberius on the Albis (Elbe) and the union of the army with the Roman fleet which had entered that river. Probably in order to avoid the Roman army, individual bands of Lombards (and Hermunduri) had settled on the right bank of the Elbe, and were followed by others on the occasion of a later expedition of the Romans; this seems to have given rise to Strabo’sd erroneous remark, according to which the Hermunduri and Lombards both lived to the north of the Elbe and in the narrator’s time had all retreated to the right bank; for we have no other definite information concerning the former residence of the Lombards and Hermunduri on the right bank of the Elbe, whilst we find traces of the Lombards south of the river in far later times. The Widsidh-song (in verse 49) mentions a people, the Headhobeardan, who, as their name proves, were identical with the Langobardi, and who, as they fought the Danes for the possession of Zealand, must have occupied a portion of the coast of the Baltic; and in v. 42 a tribe of the Myrginge, who according to Müllere might probably be considered as a section of those same Headhobeardan settled in Holstein on the Eider. Shortly after this the Lombards must have been subjected by Marboduus; for according to a mention by Tacitus,f in the year 17 A.D., when war broke out between the Marcomannian king and Arminius, “from the realm of Marboduus, both Semnones and Lombards” went over to the side of the Cherusci in the hope of regaining their old independence. The fall of Marboduus secured them the liberty for which they were striving and a few decades later they had attained to considerable power. When in the year 47 Arminius’ nephew Italicus, whom the Cherusci had begged of the Romans as king, was banished after a short reign, the Lombards forcibly reinstated him in his rights.
The next intelligence concerning our Lombards[114] was drawn by Petrus Patriciush. from Dion Cassiusi; from this we see that in the year 165, at the beginning of the great Marcomannian War, a host of six thousand German warriors—amongst whom, besides Marcomannians (probably the organisers of the expedition), there were also Lombards—undertook a predatory excursion into Pannonia, where the cavalry suffered a complete defeat under Vindex and the infantry under Candidus, so that the conquered had promptly to sue for peace and then quietly to return to their homes.